Sanskrit in China
Sanskrit’s position in Japan is, at least in part, a legacy from China. Robert van Gulik’s 1956
seminal work, Siddham; an Essay on the History of Sanskrit Studies in China and Japan, was the
first English-language comprehensive study of Sanskrit use outside of India. Van Gulik notes
that the study of Sanskrit (specifically, Siddham, Ch.:
悉曇
, xitan) as a working language was not
an important aspect of a Chinese Buddhist education. In fact, the majority of the Buddhist canon
was translated from Sanskrit to Chinese by monks of India and Central Asia rather than Chinese
monks. Those intrepid monks who did study Sanskrit often traveled to India to do so and, even
then, in most cases, it was centuries after the initial introduction of Buddhism to China.
22
The
only way to sufficiently learn the language in China was to study with a Buddhist master who
had emigrated from India or Central Asia, but as the Chinese monk Yijing (
義淨
, 635-713) wrote,
“the old [Indian] translators [of the sutras in China] have seldom told us the rules of Sanskrit
grammar.”
23
Yijing, having studied in Sanskrit at the monastery in Nalanda, had a clear understanding
of Sanskrit grammar, but his notes on this topic were presented in fragments scattered throughout
his texts. In fact, all mention of the structure of Sanskrit as a language were available only in
such a fragmentary nature in Yijing’s day. These bits and pieces alone were practically
incomprehensible to Chinese scholars. Even those monk-scholars who had attained fluency in
22
One example of such a monk is the famous Xuanzang (玄奘, circa 602-664), who studied at Nalanda, a Buddhist
center for learning in Bihar.
23
Gulik, Siddham, p. 21.
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13
the language did not compile these scattered references to grammar and language structure into a
comprehensive text on Sanskrit as a communicable language. The lack of such a text contributed
to the development of Sanskrit as a ritual language used for magical efficacy. In fact, the last
extant lengthy text from the time of Esoteric Buddhism’s prosperity in China
24
focused (like the
older texts) on Sanskrit’s religious use by giving “only the Indian script and the mystic meaning
of the syllables, without any reference to Sanskrit grammar.”
25
From as early as the Tang
dynasty (618-907), someone with the appellation of Sanskrit scholar/expert could, like Xuanzang
or Yijing, be reasonably fluent in Sanskrit, but it also encompassed those monks who simply
possessed a fluency in character recognition and pronunciation that could be used in rites for
magical efficacy. This approach to Sanskrit greatly influenced Kūkai’s approach and the
eventual role of Sanskrit in Japan.
The value placed on Sanskrit’s visuality in China and Japan relies in part on the norm of
calligraphy appreciation. Unlike Chinese characters, which are both logographs and
ideographs,
26
the Sanskrit writing system is an abugida, or alphasyllabary. An abugida is a
written language composed of characters that stand in for syllables; in this way, it differs from
similarly phonetic languages such as English with its Roman alphabet.
27
Being an abugida,
Sanskrit is able to be read aloud by those who learn the system of pronunciation, even when one
has, as van Gulik concisely points out, “but a very vague idea of Sanskrit grammar.”
28
Although
24
This text, the Jing you dian zhu zi yuan, seems to have been lost in China, but chapters 1-6 were preserved in
Japan in manuscript copies, one of which dates to 1226. The Chinese colophon attached to this manuscript dates the
original to 1035 under the reign of Emperor Renzong (仁宗, 1010-1063; r. 1023-1062), who wrote the preface for
the text. More information regarding this text can be found in Gulik, Siddham, pp. 91-97.
25
Ibid, p. 93.
26
Also known as logograms or ideograms.
27
In other words, Sanskrit (like the Roman alphabet) is a phonemic orthography with written graphemes
corresponding to the phonemes, but instead of a character representing a single sound with multiple characters
representing a syllable, a single character in an abugida represents an entire syllable (which can be a single sound or
a combination of sounds).
28
Gulik, Siddham, p. 24.
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a Chinese logograph contains a component that can (but does not always) denote sound, this
radical is combined with a pictographic component that denotes meaning, producing a written
language where characters denote meaning rather than containing precise phonetic functions.
During the very early years of Buddhism’s (and thus Sanskrit’s) introduction , the Chinese
approached Indian script in a similar manner, assuming each character had an independent
meaning.
29
Unfortunately, this misunderstanding was initially strengthened with passages from
sutras that enumerate the mystic connotations of each syllable.
However, this misinterpretation was not lasting. The eventual realization of the
difference between the two languages led to the Chinese use of the Indian concept of phonetics,
resulting in a study of the topic that led to a pronunciation guide for a selection of their own
words.
30
Indeed, works from the Tang dynasty (618-907 CE) illustrate the Chinese
understanding of phonetics—the Sanskrit characters used for dharani were transliterated into
Chinese sounds rather than translated. Although Chinese characters and Sanskrit have
fundamental differences, they are similar in visual qualities. Both use specific stroke orders and
rely on an appreciation of balance and movement within the character. The appreciation of
Sanskrit characters’ aesthetic beauty is similar to the appreciation of Chinese characters, which is
core to the elevated culture of calligraphy.
These various factors contributed to the emphasis of Sanskrit’s value in terms of magical
efficacy, both verbal and visual, while other aspects of the written and spoken language were
dismissed or neglected, such as grammar patterns. Its visual interest and mystic power can be
29
Ibid. This and the sections on Sanskrit that follow are largely based on van Gulik’s research of Sanskrit study.
Written over a half-century ago, there are points in the book that are outdated due to subsequent research, but overall
his book provides an excellent and reliable
study of primary sources as related to Sanskrit study in China and Japan
(prominent Buddhist studies scholar Fabio Rambelli still cites van Gulik periodically).
30
For example, Shen Yue (
沈約
, 441-513 CE) distinguished the four tones of the Chinese language, thus (in many
subsequent Chinese scholars’ opinions) beginning the study of phonetics in China.
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seen in early printed examples of the Mahapratisara Dharani (figure 1) uncovered from Tang
dynasty tombs. These images display the deity Mahapratisara as the central figure surrounded
by the text of the dharani with a donor kneeling beside the Mahapratisara. As art historian
Michelle Wang states, “both
the text of the dharani and the deity keep watch over and protect the
donor.”
31
As instructed by sutras, these images of dharani placed within a pictorialized space
were worn on the body (in boxes of armbands as in figure 2, boxes in one’s hair, or within sashes
around one’s waist) as talismans against malady or harm. Instances of this specific dharani from
the early Northern Song period (960-1127) indicate altered use (figure 3)—likely as part of ritual
or a meditative aid. In these later works, the Sanskrit dharani represents the teachings of the
deity Mahapratisara emanating outward. Figure 3 also illustrates the practice of transliteration
for use by the monastic population. Such transliteration provided pronunciation of these magical
chants; however, the differences between the sounds within Sanskrit and Chinese created
discrepancies—albeit slight—in pronunciation and de-emphasized the importance of Sanskrit as
a ritual spoken language.
In contrast, Japanese monks, starting with Kūkai, stressed the importance of learning
Sanskrit and reading it from the original characters rather than the transliterated form. The
talismanic value of the letter may have been known through Chinese imported visual materials,
but it does not seem to have gained strong currency in the Buddhist community before Kūkai’s
time (in Japan, the talismanic nature was associated with verbal Sanskrit dharani rather than
visual). Furthermore, Japanese—a language whose system of writing’s eventual development
process made it more disposed to phonetic writing than Chinese—could provide a slightly more
accurate reading of Sanskrit characters. Much more can be said about Sanskrit in China, but for
31
Wang, Michelle. Unpublished doctoral dissertation, From Dha
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