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bodhisattva Jizō (地蔵; Sanskrit character Ka), and Himegami with the
shūji form of the
bodhisattva eleven-headed Kannon (
Jūichimen Kannon,
十一面観音
; Sanskrit character Kya).
260
Although the painting gives the basic units of the Kasuga Shrine,
the emphasis of the
composition is on the
honden and the accompanying
shūji deities. The shrines in the
honden are
represented larger than the rest of the
structures, regardless of where they are situated spatially.
The emphasis given to them in scale is not the only indication of their superiority. The viewer
still sees them from slightly above, yet they are presented much more head-on than the rest of the
structures, giving a better view to the front of the shrines. Due to such a straightforward view of
these main structures, it is easy to discern the black lacquer offertory trays placed before the
doors of each shrine. The pigments have faded, but originally these shrine doors were colored a
vibrant green that would have emphasized the dark trays.
261
Similarly, the
shūji are presented
frontally to the viewer, and against what would have been the bright, vibrant white of the disks
stood the darkly inked Sanskrit characters that are simultaneously static on
their lotus pedestals
and full of movement in the graceful swoops of a calligraphic hand. The gaze follows the
energetic strokes of the characters, moving from one character to another and circling even
within the single white disks that were outlined in cut gold leaf.
Similar to the use of Sanskrit characters in the
hō mandara or the
a-ji kan imagery, the
Sanskrit in this painting references a concept that is polysemic in nature; however, in this work
the
shūji is more straightforwardly the signifier
of the Buddhist deity, the
honji. The deeper
meaning to be realized here is that the
kami and the Buddhist deities are one and the same. A
medieval text stated, “before deluded people they appear as kami; before enlightened people they
appear as buddhas. Being originally one and the same, the distinction
between kami and buddhas
260
Ten Grotenhuis,
Japanese Mandalas, p. 152.
261
Ibid, p. 152. Ten Grotenhuis provides a detailed explanation of the materials used throughout this painting. This
paragraph draws from her explanation.
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depends exclusively on the difference between delusion and enlightenment.”
262
Indeed, all three
works (
hō mandara, the material focus of the
a-ji kan, and the Nezu
miya mandara) have the
broader meaning of nonduality.
Yet, the nonduality has changed from a cosmological nature to associations and
localizations of originally “foreign” deities to “native” deities.
263
Furthermore,
in contrast to the
hō mandara and
a-ji kan imagery, that deeper meaning is not realized through the depiction of
the
shūji alone, but rather through its pairing with depictions of
kami (seen in the architectural
structures). The Nezu
miya mandara essentially illustrates the original “face” of the localized
kami. This leads to the interesting observation that this original “face” was not shown
as a face
at all. Rather than the anthropomorphic figure of the Buddhist deity, the
shūji form was
chosen.
264
We may never know with certainty why the
shūji form was utilized, but the fact that
it was provides interesting points of discussion and perhaps a way to understand the nuances of
medieval Buddhism as it relates especially to
kenmitsu. The choice to use the
shūji form could
conceivably be related to the depiction of the
kami in non-anthropomorphic form. As I have
demonstrated,
by the thirteenth century the shūji form was also recognizable as a Buddhist
icon—the Buddhist deity itself. It is also possible that the use of Sanskrit characters to represent
the true form of the local
kami is related to a deeper movement—the revival of the Buddhist
precepts and the concept of India as the root of Japanese Buddhism. I believe that the intentions
behind the use of the
shūji form are, as is the case in many situations, a combination of such
reasons. Certainly,
presenting the Buddhist honji in non-anthropomorphic forms resonates with
262
Teeuwen, Rambelli,
Buddhas and kami, p. 20, who cites
Kami honji no koto, quoted in Imahori Taitsu.
Jingi
shinkō no tenkai to Bukkyō. Tōkyō: Yoshikawa Kōbunkan, 1990, p. 26.
263
These terms are somewhat problematic since by this time Buddhism was entrenched in Japanese culture and
arguably no longer “foreign.”
264
I would like to note here that there are
miya mandara that do indeed illustrate the anthropomorphic forms of the
Buddhist deities paired with the
kami (often also in anthropomorphic form).
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traditional views on Shinto deities (which could take many different forms such as trees, rocks,
etc.) while also providing a visual link to Buddhism’s roots in India. And, perhaps the simplest
reason, an increased popularity of Sanskrit in non-textual objects likely caused its use to spread
to other forms.
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