*!*Ghomeshi, Jila and Diane Massam. 1994. To Appear, Linguistic Analysis
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This film has been developed This film is being developed. They note that design seems to require an obligatory adjunct even in the perfect, ``a fact for which we have no explanation." Following Bach 1981, perfect and progressive turn the entire accomplishment into a state which has a simple event structure. Participles as Prenominal Modifiers: Constructive accomplishments require an adjunct when prenominal:
``However,...What has been said so far would lead us to expect that no obligatory adjunct should be required [for non-constructive accomplishments]..yet the data in (25) suggest that this is not the case: \eenumsentence{ the ruined shirt, the arrested man, the hidden solution, ?the destroyed hose, ?the killed chicken the newly destroyed house, the freshly killed chicken, the deliberately destoyed house, the machine-killed chicken. They suggest possible solns: 1) ``the character of the violation [may be] like that for non-constructuve accomplishments in (5) and (6) above [The boat was destroyed. The burglar was arrested. I don't understand this--these are noted to be GOOD.] and that a context comparable to the one used in (7) would show the expected sharp contrast between constructive accomplishments and other events. Other possibilities include the existence of a difference in event-structure between the adjectival form and the verbal form, for these verb types, or a difference in the identification possibilities in the adjectival and verbal forms, perhaps linked to differneces in the argument structure between verbs and adjectives." pg 153)/ Conclusion: ``...it is possible to predict the pattern of distrubution of obligatory adjuncts, in a way which is aspectual, rather than strictly grammatical...Many questions remain open, a particularly important one being the behavior of paossives of state predicates... the stative hold behaves like constructive accomplishments in requiring an obligatory adjunct, alhtough the range of passible adjuncts is rather different, due to the general diffrence in event type between accomplishments and states." ``...it has been suggested that the obligatory adjunct phenomenon is just a matter of meeting a requirement that one "say something D. Pesetsky (p.c)." Footnote 1: Some verb classes remain problematic, however. The ``locatives", for instance, including verbs like hide, cover, box, uncover, crate, shell. *!*Gordon, David and George Lakoff. 1971. CLS 7. Given a class of contexts (CON$_i$), a set of conversational postulates, CP,
\begin{quote One can convey a request by a) asserting a speaker-based sincerity condition or b) questioning a hearer-based sincerity condition. {quote * notation is defined on page 87: speaker says something iwth a preformative verb,a nd doesn't intend what he says. Reasonableness conditions are given on page 90. Why are you painting your house purple? vs. Why paint your house purple?: Can you use this form iff letting L be the lotical structure of the sentence, "Why are you x," CONi U CP U {L entail "unless you have some good reaons for doing x, you should not do x" This is a transderivational constraint. (can perform the transformation of deleting you + TENSE, iff the above derivation holds. Other transderivational rules: L entails L' L is equivalent to L' L presupposes L' L assumes L' \medskip Sadock: In initial position, please goes with any sentence that conversationally conveys a request in the given context, regardless of the superficial grammatical form of the sentence. Sadock: TEll me cannot go with imperatives: \eenumsentence{ *Tell me, give me a drink. *Tell me, would you give me a drink Lakoff describes use of initial Here. >From Newmeyer: Phenomenon P has been consdiered to be simly pragmatic: part
Ross proposed the performative hypthesis Sadock and Green argued against Lakoff's move of converstaional
*!*Gropen, Jess, Trina Epstein, and Lisa Schumacher. ms 1996 to appear. Context Sensitive Verb Learning: CHildren's ability to associate conceptual and semantic information with the argument of the verb. Cognitive Linguistics *!*Haiman, John. Iconic and Economic Motivation. 1983. Language 59 4. 781-819. The linguistic distance between X and Y dimishes along the following scale (\# word boundary, + morpheme boundary): X \# A \# Y X \# Y X + Y Z \begin{quote If two causatives contrast within a given language, such that they correspond to structures given above, and they contrast sematnically with respect to the conceptual distance between cause and result, thenthe conceptual distance between cause and result will correspond to the formal distnace between cause and result (783) {quote English: kill vs cause to die Japanese: koros(kill) vs sin + sase (die+ cause) Indirect causation often requires that the causee be human and
S1 and S2 S1 S2 In (1), S1 and S2 are in some way dissassociated: may be a) separated in time (see Haiman 788), or b)separated by having a different (non-expressed) subject: ! switch reference or c) the two clauses have a different topic (as for NP) V + `and' (DS: different subject, switch reference) V + 0 (SS: same subject, non-switch reference) Clauses separated by "and" denote separate events: different times, different subject or topic. \bigskip
\noindent ! DO vs IO \eenumsentence{ contestar la pregunta (answer the question) contestar a la pregunta (contribute an (unsatisfactory) answer) In Ergative lngs, Antipassive demotes the O, making it an oblique: \eenumsentence{ I shoot the kangaroo I shoot at the kangaroo ! Causees in direct case E.g. in French
! vs.
! Causees in indirect case ``I had him prepare the mayonnaise" \begin{quote In no lng will the phonological expression of a direct case e bulkier than that of the corresponding indirect case. (pg 792) {quote (This is motivated iconically as long as the case marker is between the V and the O, which Greenberg notes it usually is). \begin{quote In no lng will the linguistic distance between X and Y be greater insignalling inalienable possession in expressions like X's Y, than it is in signally alienable possession(attributed to Greenberg p.c.) {quote Not as clear (see discussion page 795) ! AXB and AYB reduced to AX and YB {Red clothes and white clothes \\
{Frank Osterflood had the build of a professional wrestler and the mentality of a professional wrestler. (funny because you expect a contrast, which doesn't occur. ! Competing motivations: Cases of conflict between two iconic principles NI: THe linguistic distance between expressions corresponds to the conceptual distance between them. The linguistic separateness of an expression corresponds to the conceptual independence of the object or event which it represents (814) In NI, by (1) the conceptual distance between N and V should decrease ??? (unclear page 14). *!*Haiman, John. 1980. Dictionaries and Encyclopedias. Lingua 50. 329-257. Rejects many possible ways to distinguish them: "Dictionaries are encyclopedias" pg 331. Traditional: dictionary: "cognitive meaning": independent of experience with world
encyclopedia: emotive or referential meaning: culturally and experientially conditioned (Saussure: signification tied to the world; cf. also "denotation") encyclopedias relate words to external facts. \begin{quote "Given the three OOga Booga words nooze, thung, slimp, and the information that nooze is the converse of thung, which, in its turn, is a hyponym of slimp, we clearly know nothing about any ofthem." pg 333 {quote Structural semanticists believed in a small set of primitives:cf. Descartes, Pascal, Leibniz, Locke, Wierzbicka. But if such primitives exist then: 1) they are chosen by the analyst for practical reasons of simplicity (but this makes them non-dictionary like, since they crucially involve the analyst, a non-linguistic entity) 2)the are rooted in common human experience of the world (this undercuts the distinction even more directly) 3)they are rooted incomman human "internal experience": they are innate. (the only argument against his comes from Genie and "wolf children" who apparently coldn't master "I" and "you" which are 2 of Wierz.'s primitives. Haiman, "Without expereince, there is no thought and certainly no language." pg 336. [Claims and counter claims about innatness seem to be a red herring.] "There are no hard facts, and all of science is ethnoscience." blah blah.. Bloomfield and logical positivists[also behaviorists]:
Leech, Kripke, Wierzbicka and enthoscience: encyclopedias are objective facts; dictionaries are subjective facts. Popper and Haiman: objective facts cannot be known; both dictionaries and encyclopedias are subjective. \medskip
Another possible propsed dichotomy: essence vs. accidence (here he cites Aristotle as saying that man is essentially rational, accidentally featherleses and bipedal.: I can't find that in Aristotle. I only found essence: two-footed animal in Metaphysics. Haiman: but what is essential to one community may be accidental to another. So what? Could say the meanings of the words are different. Long stupid discussion of breasts: essence IS the same here: the two cultures differ in how they evaluate breasts. There exist good arguments against essences, but this is a lousy example. Semantics vs. pragmatics? Morris: semantics: relationship between signs and their meanings; pragmatics: the relationship between signs and their users (and non-linguistic context). But, Haiman argued that sense is derivative from denotation. \noindent: what his his point in what follows? Fast and loose discussion of R. Lakoff pg 344-345 who argued that use of "and" bewtween clauses requires a common topic: {*My grandmother wrote me a letter two days ago and 6 men can fit into the back seat of a Ford. Kempson cooked up a context for this and claimed (and Haiman agrees!) that it proves Lakoff wrong. It proves her right. Thee context provides a common topic. There follows a discussion of whether context can save anything (Makkai). discussion of Morgan's Kissinger conjectures poached. Makkai (1971): beliefs about the world are subject to the contextual adaptability principle. H: "..semantic constraints and beliefs about the world are not to be distinguished." pg 345. "...laws of form, no less than the laws of meaning, may alwyas be broken for special effect: witness the poetry of ee cummings." pg 346 [BUT, you're admiting that there are laws which are broken!] *!*Heine, Bernd. 1993. Auxiliaries: Cognitive Forces and Grammaticalization. New York: Oxford University Press. More abstract concepts are understood by means of more concrete concepts (Lakoff & Johnson 1980; Stolz 1991) grammatical concepts are fairly abstract, but they develop from Ns and Vs. Auxs express conepts related to temporal state (tense), temporal contours (aspect), type of reality (modality) and are derived from Vs such as: Location ``be at," ``stay at," ``live at," ``remain at", etc Motion: ``go, come move pass" etc Activity ``do, take, continue, begin, finish, seize, put, keep" Desire ``want wish " Posture ``sit stand lie" relation ``be (like), be (part of), be accompanied by, be with" Possession ``get, own, have" etc These verbs are part of more complex concepts: event schemas, which involve arguments as well as verbal meanings. Bybee, Perkins and Pagliuca (1992:5): general level verbs are used becuase they apply to a wider range of arguments, and therefore are relevnat in a wider range of contexts and are most frequent. Kuteva (1991) argues that these verbs are direct encodings of a limited number of kinesthetic image schemas such as source-ptah-goal, contact, part-whole, etc. Main event schemas: pg 31 X is at Y: location (often used to mark progressive)
(the first three may be more basic) Complex Schemas: Serial schema (both aux and main verb are finite: usually used to mark aspectual categories)
``The moment a verb is given an infinitive complement, that verb starts down the road of auxiliariness" Bolinger 1980:297 [There is a remarkable overlap bewteen the verbs that become auxiliaries cross-linguistically and the meanings of basic constructions. The root cause of these two divergent paths may be that they are frequent, and that in turn may be because they code basic scenes of expereince in a way that puts very few constraints on argument slots.(see above). Since the constructions I looked at DO NOT involve a second verb, I don't think there's any reason to claim that the grammaticalization as constructions and hte grammaticalization as auxiliaries is more directly related.] *!*Heine, Bernd. 1992. Grammaticalization Chains. Studies in Language 16-2. 335-368. Chamus: dialect of Maa, Eastern Nilotic Language of the Nilo-Saharan family, spoken in Kenya and Tanzania. VSO
-yy\'e\'u Main verb ``want", taking OBJ or V When followed by a V, ``want" is more like an auxiliary Subject can follow -yy\'e\'u or follow the main verb: \shortex{4 { k-a\'-yy\'e\'u & n\'anU & n-a-l\'o & n-kang { k-ist- & I.nom & nar-1sg-go & f-home.abs {I want to go home. \shortex{4 { k-a\'-yy\'e\'u & n-a-l\'o & n\'anU & n-kang { k-ist- & nar-1sg-go & I.nom & f-home.abs {I want to go home. yy\'e\'u can be used to mean "nearly": yy\'e\'u elder fall ``The old man nearly fell" Grammaticaliation chains: leftmost member represents the earliest stage leftmost member represents the most concrete conceptual content, the rightmost the most abstract one Leftmostmember has the hightest degree of paradigmatic and syntacmatic variability. ("defective" paradigms and/or fixed placement) Lehmann 1982, Heine & Reh 1984: 67 [AG: use this idea to motivate why xAxam tends to stay in one place] One source can give rise to more than one chain (example le ``be at" $>$ preposition ``within"; ``be at" $>$ progressive marker Third person personal pronouns and definite articles often have similar forms (Harris 1980 suggests that they have the same abstract meaning; Postal 1966 argued that personal pronouns derive from definite articles) H: Both pronouns and definite articles tend to be derived from the same source: distal demonstratives ``bleaching": deomonstrative can be used both pronominally and adjectivally: pronoun cannot be used adjectivally, the article cannot be used as a pronoun. HETEROSEMY: multiple meanings deriving from the same historical source. Sweetser 1990: no historical shift of meaning can take place without an intervening stage of polysemy. H: can grammaticalization chains be treated as polysemous structures? Polysemy requires: two distinct but reltaed senses one form linguistic form belongs to the same category (In cognitive linguistics, these are made flexible) 3) is not satisfied; 2) is not satisfied if there is
Table 3: Meaning drives form change Page 353: Family Resemblances is better than prototype
*!*Henry, Alison. 1993. Variability and Language Acquisition. In The Proceedings of hte Twenty-fifth Anual Child Language Research Forum. ed by Eve Clark. CSLI Publications. ``the task facing the learner is in fact even more complex..because of the systematic variablity of language and the need to acquire probabilistically weighted forms and rules. However, it will be argued that such variability is restrited to certain aspects of language, and in particular is not present in core syntax...which we argue, involves the setting of parameters which are categorical rather than probabilistic." pg 280 *!*Hirsh-Pasek, Kathy, Roberta M Golinkoff and Letitia Naigles 1996. Young Children's Use of Syntactic Frames to Derive Meaning. In K. Hirsh-Pasek and R. M. Golinkoff, The Origins of Grammar: Evidence from Early Language Comprehension. 123-158. Cambridge MA: MIT Press >From morris@ling.ucsd.edu Tue Jan 6 18:20:38 1998 I've been looking at my notes of the experiments shown in H-P & G, the chapter with Naigles. And I've been looking at the book, too. Here is what emerges in my mind: First, they did an experiment in the spirit of the old Naigles' experiments
They perform preferential-looking experiments with kids at 19, 24, and 28 months of age. And they seem to get rather different results for males than for females. And they seem to get very different results from the transitive frame experiments than from the intransitive frames. Furthermore, whereas Naigles (1990) got better frame compliance with intransitive frames (if memory serves me correctly), in this experiment H-P, G, & N got better frame compliance with the transitive. Here is a thumbnail sketch of several of the outcomes: The transitive sentence frame:
Unknown verbs: Both boys and girls look more at the NONmatch scene at both 19 and 24 months. At 28 months they both look a LOT more at the match than at the nonmatch scene. My conclusion: At 19 months, they don't have a clue. At 24 months, they understand the verbs & frames they are familiar with, but they don't have any abstract knowledge of the verb frame. At 28 months, they've got the abstract frame. The intransitive frame (these results are AWFUL). And H-P, G, & N say that none of these results reach significance: Known verbs: At 19 mo, the boys look essentially the same amount of time (2.58 sec. vs 2.62 sec.) at the match scene as at the nonmatch scene. At 24 mo, almost identical results. At 28 mo, they are looking at the NONmatch scene much more than at the match scene. (3.41 to 2.69) At 19 mo, the girls are looking at the match scene more than at the nonmatch scene. (3.28 to 2.52). At 24 mo., this has turned around: they are looking at the NONmatch scene more than the match scene (match 2.30, nonmatch 2.96). By 28 months they have reversed again (3.23 to 2.78). Unknown verbs: At 19 months, boys are looking at the match scene more than the nonmatch scene, at 24 they've reversed, at 28 mo they've returned to the proper orientation stronger than ever. The girls always look at the match scene more than the nonmatch scene, but they peak at 24 months. My interpretation: This is actually VERY interesting. I believe that HPG&N have made a fundamental mistake here, and it runs smack dab into a point that you have made, Eve Clark has made, and that I am trying to make. Verbs are learned in and with argument frames. Verbs come with argument frames. HPG&N have implicitly assumed that the verbs turn, bend, squat, and flex all appear in either transitive or intransitive argument frames. This is true for 3 of them in adult speech ("John squatted Fred"?? I don't think so), but it does not follow that children would be equally familiar with these verbs as both transitive and intransitive. The issue only concerns the first two, though; turn and bend are the "known" verbs. I believe that bend, in particular, would not be known to a 2 year old as an intransitive verb. Turn, maybe, but it is more likely to be known as a transitive verb. I think the children expect that these verbs are transitive verbs (hence the good results in the tải về 302.24 Kb. Chia sẻ với bạn bè của bạn:
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