introduction
11
bureaucracy. Though this new philosophy of Tung Chung-shu and his
successors is commonly described as Confucian, it is far removed from
the simple ethical doctrines of Confucius and his immediate followers.
Its inspiration and the core of its ideas undoubtedly derive from the
Confucian
school of Chou times, but these have been expanded by bor-
rowings from other schools to embrace many areas of speculation that
were hardly touched upon in early Confucianism. For only by offering
a complete philosophy of man and the universe was Han Confucianism
able to supplant its rivals and achieve, as it did,
a position of state-
supported orthodoxy.
De Bary cites from the
Chunqiu fanlu to illustrate Dong’s political
ideas and discusses his views on creation and Yin Yang (p. 191), and
Wu xing (pp. 201–6).
26
For land reform he quotes from his memorial
that is included in
Han shu 24, but he does not mention Dong’s three
responses. In a later volume he writes of
Dong with fulsome praise as
‘a key figure in the establishment of the Confucian classics as the basis
of public instruction, but he was also widely respected as a person of
great integrity and as an outspoken advocate of political and economic
reforms’.
27
Wing-tsit Chan (1963) likewise evidently saw no reason to ques-
tion the validity of the
Chunqiu fanlu as expressing Dong’s views; and
he takes the conventional view of Confucianism being one of several
schools and Dong as being its protagonist.
In his major study of Chi-
nese philosophy (1963) he wrote:
28
On the surface, Tung Chung-shu (c. 179–c. 104 BC) seems to be of only
minor philosophical interest, but historically he is of the utmost impor-
tance. He was chiefly instrumental in making Confucianism the state
doctrine in 136 BC. This supremacy
excluded other schools, and lasted
until 1905.
Wing-tsit Chan then gives credit to Dong for his treatment of the uni-
verse as an organic whole and writes of his view of history as ‘going in
a cycle of three periods, symbolized by black, white and red. This in
26
CQFL 18, 19, 43, 44, 35, 30 (for political ideas); 58 and 59
for Yin yang and
Wu xing.
27
Wm. Theodore de Bary,
East Asian Civilizations: a Dialogue in Five Stages (1988),
p. 15; pp. 16–7 for citation from
CQFL 19.
28
Wing-tsit Chan,
A Source Book in Chinese Philosophy (1963) pp. 271–2; see also
p. 287,
for translation of a part of Chunqiu fanlu, pian 23 ‘San dai gai zhi zhi wen’,
and p. 279 for part of
pian 42 ‘Wu xing zhi yi’.
12 introduction
itself is not much different from Tsou Yen’s (305?–240 BC?) theory of
the revolution of the Five Powers’.
The view that these two systems were ‘not much different’ can hardly
be acceptable, as is apparent from a comparison
of the classic state-
ment of Zou Yan,
29
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