Dong Zhongshu, a "Confucian" Heritage and the Chunqiu Fanlu
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| Chunqiu fanlu 2 (‘Yu bei’
玉杯), p. 31. The subservience (sui 随) of human beings to their ruler and of their ruler to heaven is enunciated in commenting on the Chunqiu’s criticism of a marriage that took place within the three years’ period of mourning (Chunqiu and Zuo zhuan 18 (Wen gong 2).7b, 11b; Gongyang zhuan 13.3b; Guliang zhuan 10.2b, where the point of criticism lies in the delay in making the memorial tablet for Xi Gong). The title Yu bei 玉杯 is included as one of the pieces of writing that the biography ascribes to Dong Zhongshu (HS 56, p. 2525). For doubts regarding the validity of this as the title of the pian no. 2 of Chunqiu fanlu, see Su Yu’s note (CQFL p. 23), where he writes that its text was not present in the copy seen by Wang Yinglin 王應麟 (1223–96). 8 introduction confucéenne’. 12 Despite his forthright rejection of certain other texts as being unauthentic, Kang Youwei evidently harboured no doubts that the Chunqiu fanlu derived from Dong Zhongshu’s ideas. Being fully aware of the problems of transmission and authenticity that attend the Chunqiu fanlu, he was prepared to accept at least parts of our received text, e.g. pian no. 1 ‘Chu Zhuang wang’, as authentic evidence of Dong Zhongshu’s views—in particular those that conveyed the interpreta- tions of the Gongyang zhuan’s tradition. 13 Fung Yu-lan’s comprehensive account of Chinese philosophy was first published in Chinese in 1934, to be followed by Derk Bodde’s translation into English in 1937. The English version refers to Tung Chung-shu’s ‘dominating position among the Confucian scholars of the Former Han period’ and his ‘embellishments and interpretations before its [i.e., the Chunqiu’s] alleged “subtle language” and “great meaning” received a systematic exposition’. 14 Fung Yu-lan added that Dong’s writings on the Chunqiu are comparable in importance with the appendices added to the Zhou yi. He does not state how far he based this conclusion on the Chunqiu fanlu. It is possible that it was an essay of H.H. Dubs of 1938, which does not refer to Franke or Hu Shih, that has been most influential in form- ing ideas about Confucianism. 15 He quite rightly points out that it is incorrect to date what he terms a ‘victory of Confucianism’ to Wudi’s reign; rather should it be seen as a slow process that was not complete until a century and a half afterwards. However the very term ‘vic- tory’ arouses questions and cannot pass without criticism. By tracing how certain individuals propounded their ideas and perhaps brought them to bear on an emperor’s mind and on decisions of imperial pol- icy, Dubs presents a tale of intellectual development that he sees as affecting public life from the time of the Qin empire to that of Wang Mang. In doing so, like Hu Shih, he assumes the existence from the 12 Kang Woo, Les trois théories politiques du Tch’ouen Ts’ieu interprétées par Tong Tchong-chou d’après les principes de l’école de Kong-yang (1932), pp. 164–7. See Kang Youwei Chunqiu Dong shi xue 春秋董氏學, juan 2 and 5 (first printed 1897; found best in Jiang Guilin 蔣貴麟 (ed.) Kang Nanhai xiansheng yishu huikan 康南海先生 遺著彙刊 4 (rpt. Taipei: Hongye shuju, 1976). 13 Kang Woo, op. cit.; see pp. 39, 52. And see Chapter Six below, p. 230. 14 Fung Yu-lan, A History of Chinese Philosophy, translated by Derk Bodde, (1953), Vol. II, pp. 18–9. 15 ‘The victory of Han Confucianism’; first published in Journal of the American tải về 2.61 Mb. Chia sẻ với bạn bè của bạn:
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