The phonetics and phonology of non-modal vowels: a cross-linguistic perspective
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Source(s) Language Source(s) Acoma
Miller 1965 Korean
Jun and Beckman 1993, 1994, Jun et al. 1997, 1998 Ainu
Crothers et al. 1979:370 Malagasy
Crothers et al. 1979:530 Alabama
Crothers et al. 1979:770 Mandarin
Crothers et al. 1979:455 Apinaye
Crothers et al. 1979:985 Mbay
Caprile 1968 Awadhi
Saksena 1971 Mixtec
Crothers et al. 1979:875 Azerbaijani Crothers et al. 1979:325 Mokilese
Harrison and
Albert 1976
Bagirmi Gaden 1909 Nyangumata Crothers et al. 1979:600 Big Smokey Valley Shoshoni
Crapo 1976 Oneida
Crothers et al. 1979:760 Boraana Oromo Voigt 1984, Stroomer 1995
Papago Saxton et al. 1983 Bulu Alexandre 1962 Portugese, Brazilian Crothers et al. 1979:205 Campa Crothers et al. 1979:925 Quechua Crothers et al. 1979:895 Cheyenne Davis 1962 Sámi Nielsen 1926 Chontal Crothers et al. 1979:800 Sara Vine 1981 Cocama Faust and Pike 1959 Shina Masica 1991 Comanche Carney 1993 Southern Paiute Sapir 1930 Dafla Ray 1967
Tarascan Crothers et al. 1979:810 French, Montreal Gendron 1966,Cedergren and Simoneau 1985 Ticuna
Crothers et al. 1979:950 Gadsup
Crothers et al. 1979:655 Tongan
Feldman 1978 Galla
Vine 1981 Totonac
Crothers et al. 1979:795 Goajiro
Crothers et al. 1979:920 Tubu
Lukas 1953 Greek
Dauer 1980 Tunica
Haas 1946 Hupa
Golla 1970,
Gordon 1998
Turkana Dimmendaal 1983 Ik Heine 1975 in Vine 1981 Turkish
Jannedy 1995 Inuit
Crothers et al. 1979:685 Tzeltal
Crothers et al. 1979:805 Island Carib Crothers et al. 1979:910 Washkuk
Crothers et al. 1979:640 Japanese
Han 1961,
Beckman 1982, Jun and Beckman 1993, Tsuchida 1994 Woleaian
Sohn 1975 Kawaiisu
Zigmond et al. 1990 Zuni
Crothers et al. 1979:830 Ket
Crothers et al. 1979:385 103 N OTES
* Thanks to Adam Albright, Victoria Anderson, Katherine Crosswhite, Bruce Hayes, Sun-Ah Jun, Pat Keating, Robert Kirchner, Peter Ladefoged, Pam Munro, Donca Steriade, Motoko Ueyama and Jie Zhang, and audiences at UCLA and at the 24th meeting of the Berkeley Linguistics Society for helpful discussion of the issues presented in this paper. Any misconceptions or inaccuracies are my own responsibility. 1 It is more difficult to make a case for positing underlying voiceless vowels in any language. Dafla (Ray 1967) and Turkana (Dimmendaal 1983) appear to be the strongest cases for languages with underlying voiceless vowels. 2 Note that /h/ is not considered here as a voiceless vowel strictly speaking, since it lacks place features unlike “true” voiceless vowels. 3 It has been claimed (e.g. by Cho 1993 of Comanche) that some languages have both phonological and phonetic devoicing. 4 In Ket, the short vowels are not described explicitly described as voiceless, but they are described as overshort and virtually absent, a description which suggests that they might in fact often be voiceless. 5 In Alabama, which lacks short vowels in final position, the last half of utterance final vowels devoice. 6 The set of consonants triggering vowel devoicing in word-final position is a subset of those triggering devoicing in phrase-final position in Tarascan. 7 In Ainu, devoicing is more likely to occur in phrase-final position than in word-final position. 8 In Woleaian, the environment for devoicing might be more accurately described as clitic group, since a following article or deictic inhibits devoicing. 9 In Apinaye, phrase-final vowels optionally either lengthen, devoice or become creaky. 10 Vowels may devoice before silence which I interpret to mean utterance finally. 11 In Kawaiisu, likelihood of devoicing is described as gradient; devoicing is most likely in utterance final position and less likely the smaller the domain in which the vowel is final. 12 I n Big Valley Shoshoni and Southern Paiute, the level of juncture which triggers devoicing is not explicitly stated in the sources consulted. 13 In Totonac, the only utterance final short vowels occur after voiceless consonants. 14 In Malagasy, devoicing is more likely to affect word-final vowels after voiceless consonants. 15 Among the high vowels, less peripheral vowel qualities devoice over more peripheral ones, e.g. in Ticuna and Ainu. There seems to be a slight tendency for /i/ to devoice over /u/, e.g. Mixtec, Gadsup, Greek, Turkish, although the opposite pattern is found in Brazilian Portugese and Tunica. In Japanese, according to Han (1962), / ¨/ is more likely to reduce than /i/, an asymmetry which Han links to the lesser intrinsic duration of / ¨/.
16 Interestingly, in Tongan, /a/ devoices in certain environments, but mid-vowels do not. 17 Comanche also observes a restriction against two consecutive voiceless vowels; when two potential undergoers of devoicing are adjacent, devoicing only affects the first vowel. This is plausibly related to the alternating stress pattern in Comanche reported by Charney (1993). Primary stress in most words falls on the initial syllable with secondary stresses on alternating moras thereafter, but some words have primary stress on a non-initial syllable; in such words, pretonic syllables do not devoice (Charney 1993). Cho (1993) attributes this pattern to the leftward spread of a high tone onto preceding vowels. 18 High toned syllables could alternatively be considered accented syllables in Japanese. 19 Creaky vowels, i.e. those marked with what Miller (1965) refers to as the glottal accent, also do not devoice. Creak also blocks devoicing in Southern Paiute (Sapir 1930). 20 See Jun et al. 1997, 1998 for detailed token by token analysis of devoicing in Korean, including discussion of results which are not compatible with an account based purely on gestural overlap. tải về 78.41 Kb. Chia sẻ với bạn bè của bạn:
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